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SOG Conferences
The Impact of Globalization on Governance
Wisconsin - April 1999
The conference will explore the consequences of changes in
the international political economy for the policy making process,
the viability of policies and the distribution of political power
in nation states. It will be held under the auspices of SOG.
The Conference Theme
There is a widespread perception that the international political
economy has evolved in ways that have severe consequences for
the governance of the nation state. There has been a considerable
increase in the volume of international trade, and a far greater
increase in the volume of money being traded internationally.
In a world in which tariff barriers have become very low and nontariff
barriers are being eliminated by the World Trade Authority and,
at the regional level, by the Single market of the European Union
and by the North American Free Trade Agreement, nation states
are increasingly constrained in their economic, social and labor
policies. The imperatives to be competitive in trade and to operate
monetary policies that command confidence on foreign exchange
markets have become more pressing. Domestic policies ranging from
education to environmental protection to employment law have been
re-evaluated in terms of their contribution to competitiveness
or uncompetitiveness. The need to be seen to be operating policies
that the financial markets deem prudent has driven politicians
from Thailand to Italy to Canada to take political risks in balancing
budgets by cutting popular programs that would have seemed foolhardy
in the recent past.
These constraints on policy choices have also been accompanied
by significant shifts in the distribution of power. Central bankers,
for example, have been among the obvious beneficiaries. There
has been a global trend towards increasing the autonomy of central
banks and to devolve to them the main responsibility for making
crucial choices, for example in the trade offs between the levels
of inflation and unemployment that will be accepted.
This trend has been promoted by international organizations
such as the EU, the OECD and the International Monetary Fund.
Both labor unions and environmental groups have complained that
their ability to secure policies they favor at the national level
is undermined by both the movement of industry to less regulated
environments (from France to Britain, from the USA to Mexico)
and the invalidation by supranational authorities of domestic
policies which impede trade, such as the former American policy
on protecting dolphins by banning imports of tuna from countries
that did not meet its 'dolphin safe' requirements.
Even the very shift to making a wider range of policies through
international agreements covering an extraordinary range of issues
can, because of the closed nature of most such negotiations, be
seen as reducing democratic accountability; criticism of the 'democratic
deficit' in the EU, for example, suggests that the making of major
policy decisions by heads of government or relevant ministers
in diplomatic negotiations is a poor substitute for parliamentary
accountability.
Others believe that these views are too pessimistic. International
agreements such as the Maastricht Treat agreement to create a
single European currency will free member states from the pressures
of exchange rate crises that have been so debilitating in the
past. David Vogel has argued that environmental and consumer groups
have been able to use international agreements to raise substantially,
not lower, standards of protection. Other scholars suggest that
the volume on international trade is not sufficiently high to
impinge on the freedom of policy choices for nation states; the
volume of international trade in particular, it has been argued,
is not unprecedentedly high, and for the United States constitutes
a return to levels of trade dependence found at the beginning
of the century. Others note that while many wide ranging policy
agreements are made in international meetings, they are still
made by leaders who know that they will have to defend those agreements
domestically, as Major found to his cost with Maastricht and as
Clinton has found in his struggles to win NAFTA and GATT ratification
or to regain 'fast track' powers. In brief, the consequences of
globalization are not as powerful, obvious and certain as is contended.
The conference seeks to address this debate about how great
the consequences of globalization have been for domestic governance.
Papers are invited that address topics such as the consequences
of globalization for all aspects of regulation, economic and labor
market policy and the distribution of power among domestic actors.

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